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The Cold War: A New History, by John Lewis Gaddis
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Review
Outstanding ... The most accessible distillation of that conflict yet written. (The Boston Globe)Energetically written and lucid, it makes an ideal introduction to the subject. (The New York Times)A fresh and admirably concise history . . . Gaddis’s mastery of the material, his fluent style and eye for the telling anecdote make his new work a pleasure. (The Economist)
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About the Author
John Lewis Gaddis is the Robert A. Lovett Professor of History of Yale University. He is the author of numerous books, including The United States and the Origins of the Cold War, 1941-1947 (1972); Strategies of Containment: A Critical Appraisal of Postwar American National Security (1982); The Long Peace: Inquiries into the History of the Cold War (1987); We Now Know: Rethinking Cold War History (1997); The Landscape of History: How Historians Map the Past (2002); and Surprise, Security, and the American Experience (2004).
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Product details
Paperback: 352 pages
Publisher: Penguin Books; Reprint edition (December 26, 2006)
Language: English
ISBN-10: 9780143038276
ISBN-13: 978-0143038276
ASIN: 0143038273
Product Dimensions:
5.5 x 0.7 x 8.4 inches
Shipping Weight: 10.4 ounces (View shipping rates and policies)
Average Customer Review:
4.3 out of 5 stars
180 customer reviews
Amazon Best Sellers Rank:
#39,678 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
One of the great debates in American foreign policy is how do you deal with repressive regimes. There are several schools of thought on how to proceed. The first is isolation (this has been the U.S. policy towards Iran and N. Korea). The second is confrontation (Iraq is the obvious example) and the third is communication (this would be the tactic used by Nixon in China and the policy of détente with the Soviet Union). Each policy has its advocates and detractors and each its plusses and minuses. Embracing China has worked out fairly well for its citizenry although there is much room for improvement. On the other hand supporting the Saudi monarchy has caused some serious headaches for the U.S. and Saudi citizens. Isolation and sanctions have a very poor track record and generally makes repressed citizenry even worse off. Confrontation can have unpredictable results that often exasperate the situation. Military confrontation can lead to considerable misery and verbal confrontation generally fails because one of the maxims of maintaining a dictatorship is demonstrating strength. The Bush administrations threats towards Iran and North Korea have fallen flat.The ethos of `do no harm' fails when deciding how to deal with stable but brutal dictatorships or failing regimes. I was watching Hotel Rwanda with my girlfriend when she asked why the United Nations hadn't done more to protect the Tutsis from genocide. But what could the U.N. do? Slaughter the Hutus? The Tutsis had blood on their own hands. In the case of Bosnia the U.N. and U.S. bombed the hell out of the Serbians but again the Albanians were no angels and had in fact sided with the Axis during WWII. While trying to arrest Somali warlord Mohammed Farrah Aidid 18 American soldiers died but so did an estimated 1,000 and 1,500 Somali militiamen with an upwards of 4,000 injured Somali. So when does a humanitarian mission become a slaughter?In the case of the Soviet Union the people were clearly suffering under a crushingly repressive dictatorship. Despite its claim to being a system of the working man, Communism was an intellectual farce and an economic disaster. It was also a system bent on spreading its message and extending its influence. So the debate in the West was between confrontation and isolation. In the end a compromise of sorts was formed ending in confrontation through proxies. The author gave several examples of countries playing the two superpowers off one another. By not explicitly siding with one or the other smaller countries could manipulate for their own benefit or "wag the dog".`The Cold War' by John Lewis Gaddis is rather brief for a subject spanning over 40 years of history. The author spends a considerable amount of time discussing the changing nature of war after the invention of the atomic bomb. We all owe a debt of gratitude to leaders on both sides of the iron curtain for showing the wisdom and restraint to not use these horrifying weapons. `The Cold War' chronicles the history of the Soviet Union from Stalin to Yeltzin. In the Soviet Union there was no position high enough that one could be free from danger of removal. There will always be a debate on whether containment was the best solution or whether it was Reagan's confrontation that was the final nail in the coffin. The author clearly favors the style Reagan and Thatcher and pretty much omits the sections on U.S. meddling in South America and the Middle East in the name of containment. Reagan's refusal to use the nonworking SDI as a bargaining chip seems silly in retrospect but it was on his watch that the Soviet Union collapsed and since the world wasn't irradiated I figure he must have done SOMETHING right.
The Cold War was unique in that it was a truly global conflict, even more so than WW2 and definitely WW1. It touched upon and radically transformed European nation-states, turning them from Imperial/colonial superpowers into welfare-states, aspiring for greater unity and transformation. It completely overturned South America by making it a battlefield of ideologies as has happened most notoriously in Nicaragua, Chile, and Cuba. The struggle over the dominance of the latter one almost led to another world war, this time with nuclear and hydrogen bombs. This conflict has given Africa facelift. At the beginning of the XX century, the continent was dominated by France, UK, Portugal, Italy, Belgium, and Germany while at the second half of it, new, independent states sprang up from the ruins of those colonial empires. These states faced incredible challenges and many of them descended into anarchy, others managed to play off the superpowers against each other and attempt to establish modern, prosperous states. Asia, for the first time since the medieval times, became once more the centerpiece of global history: China turned communist, India, Indochina, Gulf- states, all of them achieved liberty and the hegemony of the West and Japan was broken. During the Cold War the world became increasingly tri-polar: Beijing, Washington and Moscow called all the shots. Nevertheless, it was still a battlefield, a place for proxy wars and impressive yet terrifying attempts to mold people themselves, like the Cultural Revolution in China or the Islamic Revolution in Iran.John Lewis Gaddis is a well known and a renowned Cold War historian yet this work is sometimes a bit lacking and at times hard to follow. If you are looking for an in-depth study of the conflict that lasted for five decades and encompassed the globe this is not it. This is simply an overview of the most important events and personalities that shaped the course of the War, which sometimes got hot as in Korea, Vietnam and Afghanistan. The main issue I take with this book is not that it is too long or too short or that it brushes over certain historical occurrences in just a couple of paragraphs but its choice of how to approach the topic. All of those aforementioned issues are not really issues because as a historian you have the prerogative to prioritize how much importance you want to put on things/events/personalities as your research has indicated that those events perhaps were not that important. However, some issues, like the Vietnam War or Cuban Missile Crisis are oddly absent and the roots of those conflicts are left for the reader to research. Nevertheless, the main drawback is how different themes of the conflict are approached. Even though they generally follow a chronological and a geographical pattern, it is still difficult to discern what is happening and get the whole picture. The Cold War was a global conflict and the fact, that very abstract themes like "Hope" are chosen makes the topics harder to grasp.However, when it comes to positives, this book has many. Firstly, a very interesting and in fact, funny, style of writing make the book much more enjoyable to read. Sometimes it reads like a good novel with metaphors and good biographies of the leaders. Additionally, the author covers all the major themes even if sometimes there are things you would like to know more about. The chapter about the non-aligned countries is particularly interesting to read for the new and unheard material is brought up, which we largely do not associate with this conflict. Fors instance, how smaller countries like Nationalist China (Taiwan), South Korea and even South Vietnam all had at one point or another threatened the US, that their governments might collapse if the US does not send aid. A similar role for the USSR played China, especially in the Taiwan crises of 1954 and 1958. Another interesting example is between China and France. Both of these states were thorns in the sides of their respective greater allies. France unnerved the US with its going alone stance and China continuously attacked the USSR and claimed it was not a truly socialist country. Finally, the number of details, citations, and variety of argument presented in most chapters allowed for a great visualization of this epic struggle between nations, states, ideallogies and ultimatelly, people.
One would expect a better summary of the major events of the Cold War from John Lewis Gaddis. But most get short shrift. A glaring example is the Cuban Missile Crisis. This is not, as I’d anticipated, a good refresher, or introduction, or overview, of the Cold War. It feels like the product of Gaddis cannibalizing his own prior (and excellent) historical work to produce a mediocre cliff notes version of the Cold War. The result is just that: mediocre. The best part of the book is not an incisive overview of the Cold War with attention to its major confrontations; it’s rather the Epilogue, in which Gaddis brings to bear his remarkable knowledge to offer thoughts on the Cold War’s legacy. If you’re looking for a good introduction to the Cold War, however, go elsewhere.
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